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![]() ALIJA IZETBEGOVIC AND SREBRENITZA, POST - GENOCIDE ![]() In April 1995, United Nations Security Council declared Srebrenica „a safe zone” after masses of refugees headed toward this town in East Bosnia. It was a refuge for forty thousand Bosniak refugees. They were safeguarded by the Dutch garrison and the entire enclave was soon surrounded and taken by Serbs. This inhuman and barbarian act was one of the darkest moments in the history of United Nations. Serbs killed thousands of innocent people around the woods of Srebrenica during the five-day terror. Still, the worst was that it happened before entire world, which stood and watched direct telecast of crimes from their cozy homes and did nothing to stop the bloodbath. And therefore, no matter how huge was the level of responsibility of criminals who massacred innocent people of Srebrenica, it was as much of the responsibility of international community, United Nations Security Council and all great powers. No one was innocent. A high level post that I held, as advisor to Alija Izetbegović, a post that I was committed to, was demanding but also interesting, since I was able to directly communicate with supreme Bosnian authority of issues that I was not familiar with but wanted to be. The President was a very warm, simple and humble person and I was sure of his sincere friendship. Desire to be a witness to a history and active participant in the rebuilding of the war torn country had me carefully listen to his words and unknown details from the past that I was now able to piece together in a story about Alija Izetbegović. Indeed, I wanted to witness very difficult times and thus often talked to the President of Bosnia and Herzegovina on various issues. In particular, I was interested in his stance on crimes of Serb forces committed in Srebrenica in summer 1995 and betrayal of humanity by the international community. As a responsible individual, Izetbegović constantly questioned his place and role in these events. He did not shy away from confronting with the most difficult of subjects. Srebrenica was the tip of such iceberg. When the then Head of UN Civil Affairs in BH, David Harland, asked for clarification of certain details from Srebrenica apocalypse, on 16 July 1999 President Alija Izetbegović decided to tell the story of the facts known to him and his own role from the position of the Supreme Commander of Army of Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Harland’s offer to Alija Izetbegović to respond in writing to questions asked by the world was a sort of soul unburdening process. As his adviser, I knew the extent of weight the President carried for each victim of Serb terror in Srebrenica. After the war, the President had especially caring and friendly relation with people from Srebrenica, full of sincere empathy. Srebrenica was the top priority and protocol was to find time for them immediately if they wanted to meet Alija and they were the only ones who could not have been “put on hold”.
I remember that General Rupert Smith came to see Alija Izetbegović three and a half years after events in Srebrenica, precisely 20 January 1999. He was UNPROFOR Commander at the time of genocide. I was present during the meeting, not only as a witness but also as a man who communicated on behalf of Alija Izetbegovića with the outside world. The President considered General Smith to be honorable soldier, unlike French General Bernard Janvier. Izetbegović reminded him of those days and said that he had been awaiting the news about the air strikes announced by the very General Smith to him over the phone from Split, late evening on 9 July. However, the decision of NATO’s air force to deploy never took place. Alija Izetbegović said to him that we, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, knew that General Smith was advocating for air strikes, but that we also were afraid that someone “above him” would stop this order, which actually did happen. We waited in vain. The airplanes never showed up, said Alija Izetbegović during their meeting in Sarajevo, evidently horrified by the betrayal of international community. It was apparent once again that the global bureaucratic machinery was completely helpless against brazenness of Serb criminals during aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Serbs were right in their assumptions that the world will do nothing. The biggest responsibilities for this crime, according to our estimate, was on Jasushi Akashi and General Bernard Janvier. It is logical to ask whether the authorities of Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina expected the Serb attack, fall of Srebrenica and the massacre. I remember that the President Alija Izetbegović told Harland about his personal standpoint and that he never expected attack against Srebrenica nor did he expect the massacre. He believed that “international community” would not tolerate the crime since they had the mandate for air strike response. However, atrocities took place and it has been and will always be a huge shame of the whole world. After the aggression against Bosniaks, a new injustice took place in 2007 when the judges of International Court of Justice turned a deaf ear to request filed by the victim, Bosnia and Herzegovina, to sanction state terrorism committed by Serbia and Montenegro. International Court of Justice rendered the judgment that Serbia was responsible for violating Genocide Convention by not doing enough to prevent the genocide and failing to sanction or surrender perpetrators to the Haag Tribunal. However, Serbia could not be held responsible for the genocide committed in Srebrenica by the Republika Srpska forces since "it did not commit genocide through its state bodies nor its officials ". Following this trial, and pursuant to the court judgment, Serbia became the first country found guilty for violating Genocide Convention. We can talk here about the fall of civilization, fall of moral and collapse of justice because we know, and the world knows, that armed forces of Republic of Serbia fought in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the aggressor. This shameful judgment asserted and encouraged the worst state terror against small peoples and implied that any state grabbing, humiliation of victims, killings and mutilations will be rewarded. Truly, the world has said that the army of Republika Srpska committed genocide in Srebrenica and that has been the only place of massacre in Bosnia and Herzegovina where the crime was so classified. But what about genocide in Prijedor, crimes in Foča, Vlasenica and Višegrad, to what the Bosnian government insisted on. Truly, we cannot say that there were no and that there is no investigations. Criminals are getting punishments they deserve, although not all of them, such as, for example, Vojislav Šešelj (Sheshel), who was acquitted. In general, and in my opinion, the plan of ethnical cleansing was successful in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbs can be satisfied with execution of their insane project. At the time of Srebrenica genocide committed by Serbs, when nothing could have been done for thousands of Bosniak sufferers, when we were only insignificant grain in that ominous world, I was convinced at moments that I was dreaming this horrible, traumatic dream. For a long time I was in state of shock, nightmare and disbelief because what happened in Srebrenica was beyond reason. No normal person would be able to conceive, let alone execute such atrocities and systematic killings of thousands of people. Number is not final, and for what we know, in five days they killed entire town, 8372 people whose only fault was that they were Bosniaks and were of “wrong” religion. I often talked with President Alija Izetbegović of the Srebrenica genocide committed by Serb forces. Alija Izetbegović did not try to hide this wound. He kept recalling Srebrenica and emphasizing that the genocide committed in this town was a “planetary tragedy”. In an interview for Spanish newspapers “El Mundo“, given at the end of 1995, only few months following genocide committed over Bosniaks, he said that Srebrenica was one of the hardest moments during aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was one of the hardest days when he “got to hate the humanity for a moment”. He repeated this dreary sentence to me on numerous occasions. Calvary of Srebrenica people shook Alija Izetbegović to the core and he carried this pain until his death. It was the biggest crime on European soil since the Second World War. He spoke of Srebrenica genocide on 11 July 1996, on the first commemoration of the massacre. I will quote him so that you can feel the pain and grief of an old man who was given this enormous task to lead his country in time of war and unstable peace. “Due to its planetary scope of grief, crime and all the shameful that followed, Srebrenica was and will remain the symbol for all the killing fields throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, by remembering the Srebrenica victims today, we honor all innocent men, women and children that became victims of frenzy and hate. Srebrenica is this symbol and metaphor because it is the place like no one else where the innocence faced the crime so bluntly and where the shameful indifference and hypocrisy of powerful leaders who could have prevented the crime but came up with excuses again and again not to do it revealed itself so clearly“, said Alija Izetbegović. He posed the question that can be often heard today: who is to blame for Srebrenica? He said: “The one with biggest blame are, for sure, the murderers and their authorities. But, we are all to blame, all the survivors, everyone but the victims.” He reiterated that “when something so horrific happens like Srebrenica, then there are no innocent, every man and women is to be blamed for the world being as it is and for providing for the world in which Srebrenica can happen. Presidency tasked me, said Alija, to say a few words at this commemoration ceremony. But I struggle to find appropriate words. Because the words are on this side of reason and what happened in Srebrenica is beyond reason and comprehension. Silence would be, I feel, more appropriate and would speak louder than any words". He insisted that the killers of Bosniaks from Srebrenica be prosecuted and punished. He continued talking with embitterment and great human suffering. He said: "This should be the point of this day, Remembrance day, as we called it, the day when we resolute to be strong and never again depend on mercy of the world so that no similar evil would ever happen to us again", and emphasized that „those who were killed by the criminal hands in this imposed and unjust war will never be forgotten ", promised President Izetbegović. Describing the drama that took place in July 1995, Alija Izetbegović wrote: the prisoners and civilians were being slaughtered. We were only guessing at that time and receiving the news with disbelief, each darker than the previous. I remember that we were able to intercept the phone conversation between two chetnicks two-three days following the fall of Srebrenica and one said: “We got them good yesterday.” “How many? Thirty?” asked the other. “Add two zeros to that”, said the first. I will quote the President of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegović: “Ill fortune of Srebrenica and Žepa had a huge impact to further developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Our appeals and requests, apparently in vain, were piling up and reaching the critical point. On 30 August 1995, almost two months following Srebrenica, NATO air strike against Serb positions took place throughout Bosnia. Direct cause was the mortar fired at Sarajevo market Markale on 28 August, but I believe that the true reason behind it was Srebrenica. Srebrenica had direct impact on Tribunal’s indictment brought against Karadžić and Mladić. For all of us, tragedy of Srebrenica remains the hardest one that happened during our lifetime. Too large of a misery for too small of Bosnia", wrote the first President of Bosnia and Herzegovina Alija Izetbegović. As a guest in a TV program of RTV of Bosnia and Herzegovina in August 1995, Alija Izetbegović told the audience that the fight for Srebrenica and Žepa must continue, and that we can never give up on them, regardless whether this fight is going to last 20 or 30 years. They shall remain a part of Bosnia, he said and “fight for their freedom will continue, one way or another ", he said on national TV. During the war, President Alija Izetbegović addressed the event in Konya, Turkey, over the phone, on 5 August 1995. He talked of the Srebrenica massacre and said that we in Bosnia and Herzegovina once again learned the lesson that we can only trust in God, ourselves and our true friends".
Enemies of Bosnia and Herzegovina, especially those who deny Srebrenica genocide, should be better off if they finally understood that Bosnia shall not fall in silence but with many painful cries. When you cry for your own, then nothing is too difficult, but it will be more difficult to aggressors who want to ravish else’s. There is no blessing in such deed. Srebrenica is only one case of genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Such examples are many, but this unjust world, faced with massive number of victims and such bloodbath, had to acknowledge this massacre as genocide. Tomašica pit near Prijedor has not been included as place of genocide although Serbs committed a crime of epic proportions there. Other massacre locations in Bosnia have also not been classified as genocide. The Court was satisfied to classify only Srebrenica as genocide although the Court did not deny the crimes committed throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thus, we can agree with Professor Philip J. Cohen that the Serbian fascism is older than Hitler’s and had its roots in the First Serb Upraise in 1804. Serbian ideology Načertanija, almost 200 years old is not dead, although Serbia lost all Yugoslav wars fought in nineties of the last century. It is still much alive, it stamps over South Slavic areas, now dressed up, but still showing that the essence of the idea behind Great Serbia has never been eradicated. It is actually as hydra. Snap one tentacle and the other will grow back, it never gets tired, it has the power soaked in evil idea of Serbian nationalism, going after the echo of sick chauvinistic sound. The main objective of such policy, which lays low from time to time just to roar loudly again, is conquering territories, strong breach to the west over Drina river, into Bosnia and Herzegovina, and conquering parts of neighboring Croatia, expulsion and total destruction of non-Serbs.
Their projected goal is to create Great Serbia, a home for all Serbs. Serbian leadership has been using this cunning strategy throughout centuries. They change ethnical composition through land reforms and colonization of the conquered territories. This is what they did in 1918 and 1919. Such actions of then government had ravished land given to Serb families coming from different parts of newly established Kingdom – from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia and Montenegro. Serbs were then registered as land owners in the land registries without having to pay any fees. On the other hand, many Bosniaks sought salvation from poverty by immigrating to Turkey. Twenty five years later, Yugoslav Federation was established on more just foundation, but for Serbs, it was a satisfactory solution since they now lived in one state where they were majority. Following Brioni IV Plenum of the Yugoslav League of Communists and political downfall of Ranković in 1966, Serbs again felt jeopardized, and Muslims and Albanians more satisfied due to their more just status in Yugoslavia. There was a purge from etatist and Great Serbia followers in “Udba“, a secret Yugoslav police. Tito decentralized Yugoslav Federation and that was a red flag for Serbs.
Following death of the Yugoslav president, of whom Alija Izetbegović had positive opinion, Serbs activated their plan, so called Memorandum of Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, which envisaged corrective actions regarding Serbian issues in Yugoslavia. Serbian dictator, Slobodan Milošević, who became the most prominent follower of Great Serbia idea, which was supported by the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, thought that the use of massive force through deployment of Yugoslav (National) Army would be the solution for Serbian issue. Non-Serbs were victims. Serbs found their living space too tight. They wanted to live in a country conquered by the Serbian Tsar Dušan (Dushan) centuries ago. The goal of that sickening policy was to expand the Serbian state to the territories that did not belong to that Kingdom, such as today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina, for example. Srebrenica was their last attempt to make this frenzy into reality, which ended in the sea of blood. But again, Bosniaks were not destroyed in their attempt. They survived despite the enormous losses. It is the painful truth of Srebrenica and constant suffering of Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the last 200 years. You could conclude from my words that the President of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegović, played an honorable role in defending the life before the horrors of death, designated to Bosniaks by their enemies within Serbs. At the beginning of this year, followers of Alija Izetbegović filed the application for revision of judgment against Serbia, since new evidence emerged. Out team of attorneys had in their possession the documents proving participation of Yugoslav Army in the aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina. These document were sealed as protected in 2005 by the Haag Tribunal’s Prosecutor Carla del Ponte in agreement with then Minister of Foreign Affairs and President of the Notational Council for Cooperation with Haag Tribunal of Serbia and Montenegro, Goran Svilanović and Rasim Ljajić. Amongst them is the Decree of President of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Vojislav Koštunica, dated 16 June 2001. They removed 26 generals from the list of professional military officers of the Yugoslav Army (VJ) in the 30th Staff Center of Yugoslav Army General Staff, generals that were in command over war operations in BiH. First on the list was the accused Ratko Mladić, Commander of Republika Srpska Army (VRS), charged for genocide and other serious war crimes committed in BiH, Momir Talić, also charged for genocide against Bosniaks and Croats in Krajina, Radislav Krstić, convicted of genocide in Srebrenica, Nikola Simić, Momir Zec, Nikola Delić and many others. It was a known fact that the Court would reject the application for revision of judgment. The world was already tired of Bosnia and its tragedy and was not ready for new push and pull game. It rendered the judgment once and buried the issue. International judges were relieved to see that Bosnian parties to the proceedings had completely different takes on the issue. They issued decision based on contents of three separate letters written to them by the three members of the BiH Presidency. They concluded that no competent bodies of Bosnia and Herzegovina decided on filing application for revision of Judgment rendered on 26 February 2007 for the application of Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (claim of BiH against Serbia). True victims of the war actually had to file this application for revision for the sake of justice and truth and thousands of killed. First time during the war, and now during the peace, Bosniaks were again bluntly betrayed. Croats, led by nationalists, HDZ party, which is a mere extended arm in BiH of official Zagreb, thought, as did the Serbs, that no revision proceedings should be initiated. After debating in Banja Luka with Serb separatist, Milorad Dodik, the “leader of Croats” Dragan Čović, said "that no one would benefit from reactivating BiH agents for revision of judgment... because it would bring us back and cause a total collapse in functioning of the BiH government“. Serbs and Croats joined their sneaky forces to try and prevent Bosnia and Herzegovina from seeking justice for Bosniak and Croat victims of Serbian aggression. Bosniaks are facing a very difficult choice today of which path to take further. My country, Bosnia and Herzegovina, has yet to come out from the whirl of temptation. We are still faced with aggressive Serbian and latent Croatian separatism. They are all dreaming the old dreams and waiting for a new historical opportunity. Without any serious reaction from international community, a secessionist demon has been freed from a Dayton bottle that was supposed to forever imprison Serbian destructive project. Unfortunately, Bosniak leaders are too preoccupied with own vanity and nonexistence of any Bosniaks’ national program to be able to adequately respond to the challenges. Not that long ago, Bosniaks lead by Alija Izetbegović knew how to choose a right path among so many of the wrong ones. Today, Bosniaks miss Alija Izetbegović dearly, miss his wisdom, statesman maturity and political vision. His work could be an excellent orientation point to new generation of Bosniak politicians as how to respond to temptations of time, and especially how to resist aggressive separatism which nowadays violently endangers integrity of the country. Of course, only if they are willing to learn the lessons from history. (THE BOOK OF THE MIST OVER BOSNIA)
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